Prefixation, the event structure, and the problem of non-subcategorized arguments


The paper argues for a novel analysis of argument alternations in Russian, based on the hypothesis that one component of the event structure is built in the syntax while the other is only introduced at its spell-out. A complete event structure is an outcome of matching the two components. If argument structures of the two components do not match, the lexical component, initially a relation between individuals and events, is reinterpreted as an event predicate. The individual argument gets existentially bound. In this way, the theory correctly predicts that thematic properties of a non-subcaterogized argument co-vary with characteristics of a gradable property that undergoes a change in the course of the event.

Key words: 

derivational morphology, event structure, argument structure, prefixation.

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